522 results Submissions rejections

Teresa Deevy

Deevy had begun submitting her drama to the Abbey in 1925 and before this had a play rejected, but in encouraging terms.
The Teresa Deevy Archive. 2014, http://deevy.nuim.ie/.
Introduction
The Reapers ran for seven performances but its text was not published.
OCLC WorldCat. 1992–1998, http://www.oclc.org/firstsearch/content/worldcat/. Accessed 1999.
The Teresa Deevy Archive. 2014, http://deevy.nuim.ie/.
Timeline

Doreen Wallace

She began writing this book during her first pregnancy, by which time she felt she had enough experience of life, though limited, and knowledge of country people, though limited, to have something more to say.
qtd. in
Shepherd, June. Doreen Wallace, 1897-1989: Writer and Social Campaigner. Edwin Mellen Press, 2000.
49
She submitted the manuscript to Ernest Benn , who published the novels of her friend Dorothy Sayers .
Shepherd, June. Doreen Wallace, 1897-1989: Writer and Social Campaigner. Edwin Mellen Press, 2000.
50
It came out in a limited edition and is generally, says Leonardi, omitted from lists of Wallace's works.
Leonardi, Susan J. Dangerous by Degrees: Women at Oxford and the Somerville College Novelists. Rutgers University Press, 1989, 254 p.
130

Christina Rossetti

When William had a poem published in the Athenæum, however, Christina allowed Gabriel to select and retitle two of her poems for submission.
Marsh, Jan. Christina Rossetti: A Writer’s Life. Viking, 1995.
88, 106

George Orwell

He published the book with Gollancz after it was rejected by Cape and Faber . He chose his pseudonym from a list of names including P. S. Burton, Kenneth Miles, and H. Leis Allways. He had always hated the name Eric, and knew his parents would equally dislike his writing.
Meyers, Jeffrey. A Reader’s Guide to George Orwell. Littlefield, Adams, 1977.
37
Matthew, Henry Colin Gray et al., editors. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. http://www.oxforddnb.com/.

Emmuska, Baroness Orczy

Her very first fiction, rejected with a kind message of encouragement from Mr Everett of C. Arthur Pearson , later became the germ of her successful first novel, The Emperor's Candlesticks. She had hit just the wrong length, too short for a book and too long for a story, so after this she studied the market. Her next submissions to Everett, The Red Carnation and Juliette, A Tale of the Terror, were accepted for Pearson's Magazine and the Royal Magazine respectively. Her husband did the illustrations for Juliette, and at lunch with Everett , now her publisher, EBO agreed to submit all her stories to Pearson's from now on, and was offered ten pounds for every story accepted.
Orczy, Emmuska, Baroness. Links in the Chain of Life. Hutchinson, 1947.
84-5
Then, returning home one evening in a London fog past a canal, with a horse-drawn barge barely visible under the shadowy arches of a bridge, she began to plan a crime series,
Orczy, Emmuska, Baroness. Links in the Chain of Life. Hutchinson, 1947.
85
all centred on The Old Man in the Corner, a figure as unlike Conan Doyle 's Sherlock Holmes as she could make him (though he too wore a checked ulster). The old man has a cracked voice and dribbling nose, and lean, bony fingers fidgeting, always fidgeting, with a piece of string.
Orczy, Emmuska, Baroness. Links in the Chain of Life. Hutchinson, 1947.
86
He was to appear along with a lady journalist who meets him regularly at an ABC teashop to hear his stories.
Orczy, Emmuska, Baroness. Links in the Chain of Life. Hutchinson, 1947.
91
These became a series of six magazine detective pieces set in London, for which EBO duly received sixty pounds. She was to continue the series, at her publisher's suggestion, with Old Man in the Corner stories set in other major British cities, beginning with Glasgow. EBO had stayed there, and felt she knew the city pretty well, but she committed the blunder of describing a coroner's inquest, which is no part of the Scottish legal system. This brought in, she said, hundreds of indignant letters, with which she and her publisher were snowed under. She felt mortified and guilty until at the suggestion of her husband (always her best adviser) she pointed out to the Royal Magazine that their reader ought to have caught the error, whereupon they lightened up and advised her to forget about it. From this, she felt, she learned an invaluable lesson about the importance of getting her research right.
Orczy, Emmuska, Baroness. Links in the Chain of Life. Hutchinson, 1947.
91-3

Maggie Gee

MG said later that she began writing novels as a woman in love with words, patterns, narratives. Political intentions came later.
Gee, Maggie. “Serious Fun”. Mslexia, No. 59, Sept. 2013, pp. 12-13.
12
MG wrote her first novel, entitled It will never be Friday again, at nineteen, but did not succeed in getting it published.
Gee, Maggie. “Bottom drawer”. Mslexia, Vol.
15
, 2002, p. 42.
42
She wrote it while on holiday in Switzerland at a rate of 4,000 words a day because she reckoned that in twenty-five days (which was what she had) that would amount to a novel. There was no time for re-reading.
Gee, Maggie. My Animal Life. Telegram Books, 2010.
150

Rumer Godden

In India around 1927 RG showed some of her short stories to the acknowledged literary queen of Dacca, who passed them to a literary agent in London, Curtis Brown Ltd .
Godden, Rumer. A Time to Dance, No Time to Weep. Macmillan, 1987.
70
The firm replied that the stories, possibly suitable for submission to Titbits, were not their kind. RG , agreeing with this damning verdict, judged that Curtis Brown was the agent for her. She later sent them her first novel and remained with them throughout her career.
Godden, Rumer. A Time to Dance, No Time to Weep. Macmillan, 1987.
70-1

Mary Latter

While staying with John Rich in London (for the second time) in 1761, ML not only studied stagecraft to benefit her own writing, but was kept busy doing writing jobs he suggested. Aware of her need for money, Rich seemed certain she would make a competent jobbing writer. Most of these projects failed to come to fruition before his untimely death, and without his support and backing they languished. She adapted a French farce (which was rejected after Rich's death and which she then lost). She provided a moral to Samuel Foote 's The Lyar (presumably an extra speech or recast scene), but Foote rejected her contribution. The piece opened without it on 12 January 1762, and ran for only four performances. This constituted failure (especially by Foote's standards) and Latter blamed the failure on his not implementing her revision. She also began on (but may not have finished) a grand masque for The Coronation (a procession and spectacle grafted into Shakespeare 's Henry VIII which played at both the London theatres in autumn 1761, in patriotic allusion to the actual coronation of George III ). Rich's magnificent version of The Coronation predictably outshone Garrick's.
Latter, Mary. The Siege of Jerusalem, by Titus Vespasian. C. Bathurst, 1763.
xxiv, xxvi, xxvii
The London Stage 1660-1800. Southern Illinois University Press, 1960–1968, 5 vols.
4: 892-3, 911-13
Highfill, Philip H. et al. A Biographical Dictionary of Actors, Actresses, Musicians, Dancers, Managers and Other Stage Personnel in London, 1660-1800. Southern Illinois University Press, 1973–1993.
5: 340

Harriet Martineau

HM had been surprised, on encountering Jane Marcet 's Conversations of Political Economy in autumn 1827, to discover that she herself had been teaching political economy unawares in two early stories, The Rioters and The Turn-Out; or, Patience is the Best Policy.
OraŽem, Claudia. Political Economy and Fiction in the Early Modern Works of Harriet Martineau. Peter Lang, 1999.
77
Martineau, Harriet, and Gaby Weiner. Harriet Martineau’s Autobiography. Virago, 1983, 2 vols.
1: 138
This led to her idea for the series that made her fame. She conceived of her series of tales as exhibiting the great natural laws of society by a series of pictures of selected social action.
qtd. in
Chapman, Maria Weston, and Harriet Martineau. “Memorials of Harriet Martineau”. Harriet Martineau’s Autobiography, James R. Osgood, 1877, pp. 2: 131 - 596.
564
The work was, she felt, very much needed by the working-classes, to say nothing of other persons who had influence in the community, agitated as it then was by the Reform struggle.
qtd. in
Chapman, Maria Weston, and Harriet Martineau. “Memorials of Harriet Martineau”. Harriet Martineau’s Autobiography, James R. Osgood, 1877, pp. 2: 131 - 596.
564
HM had considerable difficulty, given current political uncertainty and a slump in the publishing trade, in arranging for the publication of her series. Even investing the remnants of her own fortune and accepting loans from two friends, she could not float the project and it was rejected by numerous publishers. Eventually, Charles Fox agreed to share the risk, provided the series went forward with 500 subscriptions already obtained. HM also tried submitting one of the tales to the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge but a sub-committee rejected it.
Martineau, Harriet, and Gaby Weiner. Harriet Martineau’s Autobiography. Virago, 1983, 2 vols.
1: 167, 175

Penelope Mortimer

Around the age of ten, Penelope Fletcher (later PM ) was writing romantic verses modelled after Cicely Mary Barker 's Flower Fairies of the Spring, and stories about the countryside. One story appeared in the Review of Reviews; she later suspected that the publication was paid for by her father.
Mortimer, Penelope. About Time. Allen Lane, 1979.
76
She wrote a first novel at the age of twenty-one, called Time for Tenderness, which publishers rejected while suggesting, encouragingly, that it showed distinction and promise.
Mortimer, Penelope. About Time Too: 1940-1978. Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1993.
7

Jane Austen

JA 's father wrote to offer her First Impressions, anonymously, to the quality publishers Cadell and Davies ; his offer to send the manuscript was declined by return of post.
Honan, Park. Jane Austen: Her Life. Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987.
123
Le Faye, Deirdre. “Chronology of Jane Austen’s Life”. The Cambridge Companion to Jane Austen, edited by Edward Copeland and Juliet McMaster, Cambridge University Press, 1997, pp. 1-11.
5

Hélène Barcynska

When acting appeared to be going nowhere, Marguerite Jervis wrote an article entitled A Day at the Academy of Dramatic Art, which she submitted in person (wearing a white muslin frock with blue sash and blue-ribboned hat) to Hamilton Edwards , editor of Answers. He commissioned her for further pieces as Miss Answers, and when she revealed her need of rent money he wrote a cheque for three guineas on the spot. (Her father, when shown one of these pieces, dismisssed it as Trash!). A short story set in Russia, about cross-dressing and violence, was accepted by Novel Magazine for five guineas, and a sentimental love-story was accepted by Shurey's at thirty shillings for each thousand words, with valuable advice on editing thrown in. Jervis earned her living by journalism for twelve weeks, before falling ill and having to go ignominiously home.
Barcynska, Hélène. Full and Frank: The Private Life of a Woman Novelist. Hurst and Blackett, 1941.
38-40

Elizabeth Bishop

EB began submitting the manuscript of a first collection of poems in 1939, only to have it summarily rejected in turn by Random House , Viking , and Simon and Schuster . Harcourt Brace offered encouragement but wanted the volume expanded and strengthened. This created an impasse which lasted until 1946, when the book eventually appeared from Houghton Mifflin . EB declined, meanwhile, to appear in an anthology where she felt she was wanted merely as a token woman.
Astley, Neil. “Elizabeth Bishop: A Bibliography; Elizabeth Bishop: Chronology”. Elizabeth Bishop: Poet of the Periphery, edited by Linda Anderson and Jo Shapcott, Bloodaxe Books, 2002, pp. 175-00.
194-5

Mary Butts

Her efforts to find a publisher for this novel did not meet with success until September 1927.
Wormald, Mark. “Not to be forgotten”. Times Literary Supplement, 2 May 2003, pp. 10-12.
10
In a journal entry that year she lamented how the novel might well have been called The Waste Land.Eliot always anticipates my titles.
Wormald, Mark. “Not to be forgotten”. Times Literary Supplement, 2 May 2003, pp. 10-12.
10
“Dictionary of Literary Biography online”. Gale Databases: Literature Resource Center-LRC.
240
Comparing herself to Eliot, whom she saw as working on a parallel with her,
qtd. in
Garrity, Jane. Step-daughters of England: British Women Modernists and the National Imaginary. Manchester University Press, 2003.
208
she observed that he was working on the Sanc Grail, on its negative side,
Garrity, Jane. Step-daughters of England: British Women Modernists and the National Imaginary. Manchester University Press, 2003.
208
whereas she was undertaking something more positive.

Buchi Emecheta

When her husband destroyed her work,BE left him. A single mother on the dole, working at night while studying for a degree, she wrote early in the mornings. She thought through her ideas before the children were awake, and typed them on her old second-hand typewriter later in the kitchen, with the children swirling around her. At one point she tried to enlist help from a friend who typed, but her handwriting was too difficult to read.She kept writing short pieces, sending them to editors, and collecting rejections.
Emecheta, Buchi. Head Above Water. Heinemann, 1994.
59-60, 46

Mary Wesley

She began writing seriously after the war, driven by the need for money. Siepmann had no job and they both intended to earn by writing. By 1947 she had apparently completed the draft of one novel and begun another, called Henrietta but later re-titled The Glass Bugle. This she revised early in 1948, but when Curtis Brown advised what would now be called dumbing it down for a more popular readership she abandoned it.
Marnham, Patrick. Wild Mary: the Life of Mary Wesley. Chatto and Windus, 2006.
136, 138-9
She credits Siepmann with encouraging her to become a real writer, despite the pressures of housekeeping and child-rearing. For a while he was her sole reader; he persuaded her to stop destroying her work, urged her to publish, and found her an agent.
Wesley, Mary, and Kim Sayer. Part of the Scenery. Bantam, 2001.
15-17

Alice Walker

When McCall sent AW 's poems to Harcourt Brace Jovanovich , she pointed out that if they published them they would no doubt get the novel that Walker was working on, too. Hiram Haydn declined the poems with real regret, arguing that although they were strong, some of them with a primitive vitality, others delicately evocative, they were no guarantee of novelistic skill. But when McCall came back for a second attempt (having tried other publishers in the interim without success) Harcourt Brace Jovanovich accepted the poems. They dropped The New York Times, For Some Reason, however.
White, Evelyn. Alice Walker. A Life. Norton, 2004.
163, 166

Charlotte Smith

Her title-page bore her name and of Bignor Park, Sussex.
qtd. in
Hilbish, Florence. Charlotte Smith, Poet and Novelist. University of Pennsylvania Press, 1941.
104
The volume was dedicated to William Hayley , who, with Bryan Edwards , had helped her with the complicated and anxious business of reaching print. Her preface claims the genteel motives of pleasure in writing and fear of incorrect copies circulating, but does not mention her overriding financial imperative for turning to print. The book was published at Chichester and London by James Dodsley , but at her own expense, since he and Dilly had each declined to buy it. Ten further editions (up to 1831) included another in 1784 and a third in 1786. Once Smith had begun to publish novels in which the male or female protagonist was often a poet, the poems that she wrote for them were steadily transplanted into successive editions of Elegiac Sonnets. The title wording of the collection varies somewhat even before the major expansion of 1797.
Smith, Charlotte. “Introduction”. Elegiac Sonnets 1789, edited by Jonathan Wordsworth, Woodstock Books, 1992.
Fletcher, Loraine. Charlotte Smith: A Critical Biography. Macmillan, 1998.
64-5, 354
Hilbish, Florence. Charlotte Smith, Poet and Novelist. University of Pennsylvania Press, 1941.
104, 581

Frances Sheridan

Publisher Robert Dodsley rejected FS 's romance Eugenia and Adelaide, which had been submitted to him through the good offices of Samuel Richardson .
Sheridan, Frances. “Introduction”. Memoirs of Miss Sidney Bidulph, edited by Jean Coates Cleary et al., World’s Classics, Oxford University Press, 1995.
x

Mary Shelley

The firm of John Murray declined to publish Frankenstein or Modern Prometheus, which had been offered to them through H[orace] (or Horatio) Smith , a close friend of Percy Bysshe Shelley , the author 's husband.
Sutherland, Kathryn. “Jane Austen’s Dealings with John Murray and his Firm”. Review of English Studies, Vol.
52
, 31 Mar. 2012.
6

Anne Sexton

The Christian Science Monitor published The Balance Wheel, one of two poems which AS had submitted to it the previous month.
Middlebrook, Diane Wood. Anne Sexton: A Biography. Houghton Mifflin, 1991.
75

Gladys Henrietta Schütze

As a child GHSimagined that a person, particularly a lady, would have to be something very unusual to produce real books.
Schütze, Gladys Henrietta. More Ha’pence Than Kicks. Jarrolds.
37-8
She was reassured by the ordinary appearance of Effie Adelaide Rowlands (pen-name of E. Maria Albanesi , wife of the musician who tutored her and one of the most popular best-selling novelists of her day).
Schütze, Gladys Henrietta. More Ha’pence Than Kicks. Jarrolds.
37
When staying in the same hotel as Sir Walter Besant , Gladys Henritta Raphael stalked him and put flowers on his table in the dining-room, and he responded by prophesying that she would be a writer one day.
Schütze, Gladys Henrietta. More Ha’pence Than Kicks. Jarrolds.
38-39
He advised her to submit a story to Hearth and Home or The Queen or Little Folks—so she submitted the same story to all three, was published by each, and then received very cross letters from the three editors about her duplication. She would later remember, in the context of rejections, that early hat-trick, that stroke of beginner's luck!
Schütze, Gladys Henrietta. More Ha’pence Than Kicks. Jarrolds.
39
Later, too, she honoured Besant in a list of those writers whose encouragement had been vital to her work: William Pett Ridge (known as P. R.), Percy White , Olive Schreiner , Vernon Lee , Henry Nevinson , and John Galsworthy .
Schütze, Gladys Henrietta. More Ha’pence Than Kicks. Jarrolds.
40
By the end of 1905 she had had one or two short stories accepted, and P. R. asked her, what about a novel?
Schütze, Gladys Henrietta. More Ha’pence Than Kicks. Jarrolds.
63

Dorothy Richardson

When she finished the novel early in 1913, she showed it to Jack Beresford and a publisher. Neither of them was enthusiastic, so the manuscript was stored for some time. In January 1915, Beresford suggested she submit the novel to Edward Garnett , a reader for Gerald Duckworth , then the publisher of D. H. Lawrence . Garnett called the book a unique example of feminine impressionism,
qtd. in
Rosenberg, John. Dorothy Richardson: The Genius They Forgot: A Critical Biography. Duckworth, 1973.
55
and recommended it for publication. Garnett had considerable difficulty communicating with Richardson about the contract, as she was quite ignorant of publication procedures, and was also affected by her father's death that spring. However, his patience made it possible for them to develop a relationship that eventually became cordial.
Fromm, Gloria G. Dorothy Richardson: A Biography. University of Illinois Press, 1977.
68, 77-9
In 2014 Stephen Ross and Tara Thomson edited The Tunnel for Broadview Press .

John Oliver Hobbes

The Fountain's publisher, Congregationalist minister Joseph Parker , was a family friend. In addition to her publications in this newspaper, JOH was writing letters, other stories, and plays that she mounted at home in a toy theatre. Between the ages of ten and fifteen, she sent off numerous stories to London publishers. Her father 's biographical sketch notes that these were invariably returned as not suitable, but that the rejection helped her realise how hard she would have to work to become a writer for childrens' journals.
Richards, John Morgan, and John Oliver Hobbes. “Pearl Richards Craigie: Biographical Sketch by her Father”. The Life of John Oliver Hobbes, J. Murray, 1911.
12
Harding, Mildred Davis. Air-Bird in the Water. Associated University Presses, 1996.
40
At about the same age she wrote (like Samuel Richardson before her) letters for servant-girls to give their sweethearts, though the unconventionality of these missives often led to quarrels and misunderstandings.
Richards, John Morgan, and John Oliver Hobbes. “Pearl Richards Craigie: Biographical Sketch by her Father”. The Life of John Oliver Hobbes, J. Murray, 1911.
10-11

Storm Jameson

SJ offered to review for the Egoist, which then printed two pieces of her dramatic criticism. Offered a regular post with the journal by Harriet Shaw Weaver , she first accepted, then rejected it because of pressures from home.
Birkett, Jennifer. Margaret Storm Jameson: A Life. Oxford University Press, 2009.
54
Jameson, Storm. Journey from the North. Harper and Row, 1970.
77-9