The opera dramatizes Susan B. Anthony 's unflinching struggle for women's suffrage in the United States and expresses GS 's high regard for women's courage. It also embodies her hostility towards male aggression and the abuse of power. Her characteristic rhythms suggest celebration in Susan B. was right, she said she was right and she was right. Susan B. was right. She was right because she was right. It is easy to be right, everybody else is wrong so it is easy to be right, and Susan B. was right, of course she was right . . . . GS was not, however, optimistic about social progress: going forward may be the same as going backwards. She died before the opera premiered.

DS was first exposed to the suffrage movement when she and her mother took part in the Women's Coronation Procession to the Albert Hall in London.

Smith's take on Iphis and Ianthe begins with sisters Anthea and Imogen listening to their grandfather's stories from when I was a girl in the women's suffrage movement: a sure induction into matters of gender fluidity and the capacity of storytelling to resituate gendered identities. In adulthood, the steadfast Imogen has landed her sister a job alongside her on the creative team for the Pure bottled water company. Instead of devising new ways of marketing Scottish water to the Scottish masses, Anthea is drawn to the mysterious kilt-wearing figure spraying protest messages across the street from Pure headquarters. This cross-dressing graffiti artist, the self-styled Iphis'07, is in fact an old classmate of Imogen's called Robin Goodman (possibly a take on Shakespeare 's Robin Goodfellow or Robin Hood), and the two instantly forge a powerful connection that in short order develops into romance. This is a contentious matter for Imogen, embedded as she is in the corporate environment of sexual harassment and proud homophobia, as seen in her colleagues Dominic and Norman (dominant norm). On being offered promotion to management of Pure's propagandistic rebrandings of unethical activities, Imogen exits her job for an enlightened state. In an epiphanic moment, she sheds her reluctance to pursue a relationship with a somewhat effeminate male co-worker, as well as her eating disorder (seemingly a somatic incarnation of internalized violence), and her difficulties around Anthea. Anthea and Robin have joined forces in a grand display of urban guerilla politics, emblazoning the streets of Inverness with sobering statistics about gendered violence and the destruction wrought by corporate greed. The novel ends in a suitable invocation of Ovid and in a transmogrifying wedding scene attended by ghosts and goddesses alike, a marriage in spirit if not in deed.

Press Cuttings, a one-act suffrage play by GBS , was first performed at a private reception at the Court Theatre in London.

A few years later, during a sojourn in Norfolk, CADS met and liked W. W. Jacobs (although she described him as old-fashioned and as a neat, colourless man). The two families became friendly. CADS later sympathised with his wife when she was sentenced to hard labour for suffrage activism.

The title was given also to the collection of this and other articles published in 1874, in which the revised version of this essay includes support for women's suffrage.

In the same letter she argues against Irish home rule. She frowned on Irish nationalist uprisings, writing that it would be too disgraceful if we cannot oppose and neutralise the brutal organisation formed against liberties of orderly subjects. . . . The Irish are the thorn or pike in our side. In the same letter, she argued (halfheartedly) in favour of women's suffrage. This, like free education, she saw as necessary in the service of a more important principle: I care little about it myself—it is simply a matter of sense and consistency. Low as the qualification is now, it is still a property, not a sex-qualification; and if women can hold property, then that should give the vote.

MR is thought to have influenced both Helen Blackburn and Caroline Dall , though it is significant that Blackburn omitted Reid's work from her history of the women's suffrage movement.

AR 's mother, named Magdalen but known as Maud Pember Reeves , was born in Australia. In New Zealand she had been women's editor on a newspaper (edited by her husband), been a strong advocate for women's education, and had chaired the first meeting of women in Christchurch on 11 October 1893 after (about a month earlier) New Zealand became the world's first country to enfranchise women. In London she joined the Fabian Society and was elected to its executive committee in 1907. The following year she founded the Fabian Women's Group . Novelist W. L. George attributed to her rich energies the fact that her scholarly husband became a supporter of the suffrage movement. Perhaps most significant was her work for better nourishment of mothers and babies among the poorest classes in London. The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography calls her Round about a Pound a Week, 1913 (which reproduces the voices of many of these poor mothers explaining where their money went), one of the sharpest of the many works of Edwardian social observation.

She continued to engage in feminist advocacy work despite her father's strong opposition, and that of her community: It is almost impossible to understand, now, what it meant when I was twenty-five, for a young lady reared as I was, on Andover Hill, to announce that she should forthwith approve and further the enfranchisement and elevation of her own sex. In contrast, her father published two essays claiming that women's suffrage was contrary to the Bible, and would destabilize family life and motherhood.

The collection included essays on The New Woman and Female Suffrage, the first of which provides an oft-quoted passage: there are conspicuous at the present two words which designate unmitigated bores: The Workingman and the New Woman.Pamela Gilbert has argued that Ouida's conservatism is formulated through a radical rhetoric. Ouida argues, for example, that in the New Woman's desire to imitate men, she loses any originality she might possess and reproduces all his cruelties and follies. Gilbert aligns Ouida's thinking, in part, with New Women such as Victoria Cross and George Egerton , who paradoxically resembled Ouida in seeing promise in the power of women's sexuality as a force decidedly different from the power of men.

EBO professes in her memoirs to hold herself aloof from politics, even to find them faintly amusing. In fin-de-siècle Paris, she found, women, became reckless: they danced, they puffed at cigarettes, they went unaccompanied to restaurants, they qualified for admission to one or two of the liberal professions . . . . Only of votes for women there was no question. That was English and, of course, ridiculous. When her personal narrative reaches the time that the suffrage struggle came to head in England, she writes that [n]eedless to say she and her husband took no part, being artists not politicians, and she being convinced that the vote for women was only a question of time.

Without supporting any political party, EG held conservative political views throughout her life. She opposed the suffrage movement during its struggle, but years later, writing her autobiography with an eye to posterity, she revised her earlier views to see herself as a member of the band of pioneers in the cause of feminine emancipation who laboured so earnestly . . . to free the souls and bodies of women from the heavy age-old trammels of custom and convention. During her time in Egypt she became a strong advocate of British Imperialism, whose ideals upheld her notions of autocracy, aristocratic rule, class hierarchies, and Victorian morality. She particularly admired Evelyn Baring, Lord Cromer , the British Consul in Egypt. Her comment in her autobiography—that his sagacious rule ensured not merely the political dominance of the British, but also the maintenance of a stately, dignified, yet gay social life—exemplifies her habit of subordinating the political to the social.

MG occasionally contributed to the Workers' Republic (1898-1916), founded by James Connolly , with whom she wrote and distributed a pamphlet entitled The Rights of Life and the Rights of Property, 1897. She also contributed to several other journals, notably to Shan Van Vocht (1896-April 1899), which was edited by Alice Milligan and Anna Johnston from Belfast, and whose title, meaning poor old woman, is a reference to Mother Ireland). She later wrote for the Irish Worker (1911-1914); for Irish Citizen (1912-1920), suffrage journal of the Irish Women's Franchise League , edited by Francis and Hanna Sheehy Skeffington (for which MG wrote My Experiences in Prison); for the republican An Phoblacht (1925-1937); and for the IRA 's Saoirse na hÉireann (1931).

She opposed vivisection and maintained an interest in the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals . She also, while recognizing the supreme claims of home upon her own sex, felt the importance of maintaining the sacredness of the common rights of women as the citizens of a free nation, and vocally supported women's suffrage.

As she later told the story, her agent suggested a book (in connection with the fiftieth anniversary of the Representation of the People Act of 6 February 1918, when women got the vote) on why female suffrage failed. Greer responded with anger, but then her publisher friend Sonny Mehta offered her an advance of £750 (one-third payable on signing the contract) for a similar book. An excerpt appeared before publication in Oz, amid sexist visuals, one of them captioned Men! Don't let women's liberation blackmail you.MacGibbon and Kee , the initial London publishers, realised the book's international potential; they sold the rights in Italy and Germany, then the rights for the US to McGraw-Hill for $29,000, then the paperback rights to Bantam for $135,000. Like many high-earning British authors of this date and earlier, Greer found her steeply increased income brought its penalties: by 1979 she was facing a lawsuit from the Inland Revenue for £20,000 in unpaid tax on earnings which she claimed she had never received. Meanwhile, by the beginning of 1971 there had to be monthly reprintings to keep up with demand. The Paladin paperback of that year carried the unforgettable cover, designed by John Holmes , of a naked female torso, headless and limbless, literally hung out to dry.

Editorial policy was to avoid anything controversial in mainstream politics. The magazine never mentioned the Civil War during the course of the conflict. In contrast to the Ladies' Magazine, the new one had a greater emphasis on fashion and light topics as well as reflecting its editor's interest in education and literature. SJH has been read later as a proponent of the cult of true womanhood and leading exponent of the doctrine of the feminine sphere. She lent the support of the magazine, however, to reforms in women's education and property rights, and improved opportunities for them in general, although she did not approve of the movement for woman suffrage. The magazine pioneered the use of illustrations (domestic scenes, fashion plates, needlework patterns). In 1861 its cover featured paired pictures which link an anonymous woman engaged in some useful employment with a publicly-known woman like Florence Nightingale or Dorothea Dix . Hale's policy of commissioning work rather than merely writing it herself or reprinting from elsewhere made the magazine a valuable outlet for other writers.Harriet Beecher Stowe was a contributor early in her career; Frances Hodgson Burnett first reached print in the magazine's columns; other authors to appear there were Lydia Sigourney , Nathaniel Hawthorne , and Edgar Allan Poe .

In addition to working for the friendless and fallen, she worked for women's rights in many areas (such as employment), although she opposed female suffrage. She was also active in the temperance movement.

Her main areas of interest in writings for Hirst were women's suffrage and reform of the poor law. She contributed to the monthly War and Peace (1913-18) as well as to Common Sense, and she left Common Sense, in about 1920, only when it was about to fold. After this, briefly, she worked for Philip Gibbs on the Review of Reviews—where almost her first duty was to deputise for Gibbs as editor during three months which he spent in the USA. It was, she said, magnanimous of him to appoint her, since she had first come to his notice in connection with a piece she wrote for Time and Tide which was critical of him .

Gender roles are explored in a range of ways throughout Adrienne Hope. Lord Charles's sophisticated sister has spent considerable time with men: her experience makes her wary of protestations of love. The woman writer Miss Reay is the novel's most outspoken feminist—she claims this is because her independent position makes it possible for her to speak what many women feel in silence—who responds to Lord Charles's sneer about women MPs: I am quite sure that until women have a voice in framing the laws which particularly affect themselves, they will continue to bear, as they do now, unjustly upon them. The law of master and slave is always oppressive to the latter; and that, with some modification, is still the relative position of man and woman. Until quite lately a married woman was only a chattel—a piece of goods—as absolutely belonging to her husband as the table he dined from or the coat upon his back. No amount of brutality on his part could free her from the bondage . . . . The new Divorce Court has mended this state of things, and the protection it affords to the earnings of married women is a step in the right direction; but women were chiefly instrumental in obtaining this.

View reference

Hays, Matilda. Adrienne Hope. T. Cautley Newby, 1866, 2 vols.

1: 249-50

An MP himself and the novel's chief villain, Lord Charles exemplifies both the reasons why women require suffrage, and the ways in which the selfishness bred in men leads to tragedy. Female unselfishness is pointed up throughout, particularly in the sympathy his two wives have for each other, though they never meet.

BH here gives a sketch of Botswanan history, making the point wryly that its experience of British imperialism was benign, for the reason that it had nothing to attract conquerors and settlers, being drought-ridden land which was valued only as a passageway to areas erroneously believed to be potentially rich in gold mines. Social change came gradually, with widespread adoption of Christianity and western clothes. Political independence arrived together with women's suffrage. Only the bogadi or bride-price endured in various covert forms, encouraging men to look on women as assets to be acquired and exploited. Now family life, she wrote, was in crisis, and even highly literate women . . . talk in uncertain terms of their lives and fear to assert themselves.

His sister Clemence Annie Housman (1861-1955) became a novelist and a wood-engraver who trained at the City and Guilds College . She joined the Women's Social and Political Union and threw herself into the suffrage struggle with a will.

These letters address similar issues and demand several reforms including female suffrage, equitable divorce laws in cases of adultery, and female jurors. In her letter to Gladstone MCH employs the rhetoric of anti-slavery abolitionist campaigns by equating middle-class marital practices with prostitution, pleading for the day when women shall dare poverty, loneliness, contempt, starvation itself rather than sell themselves, whether to wealthy husbands, or less eligible purchasers. She also calls for severe punishments for loose women and proposes that a woman impregnated by an unmarried man should be deemed legally married to her seducer. Scholar Kathleen McCormack finds that [t]hese practical attitudes contrast strongly with the pious stoicism of the characters and voices in her earlier poetic and prose narratives.

Like Nora, Hedda Gabler became a feminist icon. At the Coronation Suffrage Pageant, the spectacular suffrage event of 17 June 1911, the contingent from the Actresses' Franchise League was led by an actress on horseback dressed as Hedda Gabler. The actress in question was Princess Bariatinsky , also known as Madame Lydia Yavorska, who performed Hedda Gabler and A Doll's House on the London stage between 1909 and 1911.