The Women's Franchise Declaration Committee inaugurated a suffrage petition; CB served as the committee's honorary secretary.

Janet turns to suffrage politics in frustration with her life of service to her husband, a very traditional clergyman. Their son Denis meets and falls in love with Ruth when both are Oxford undergraduates (Ruth attends Drayton College, the fictional version of Somerville which VB had already invented). Janet conceives a passion for Ellison (who returns only friendship), leaves her husband, turns to acts of political violence like trying to burn down his church (which her son Denis prevents), and dies of peritonitis alone in London. Through the upheaval of the great war, Ruth learns about topics that Janet was ignorant of, like sexual feeling (learned from a visiting American with a fiancée back home), birth control, and homosexuality. She is able to be a better wife and mother than Janet was because of her new knowledge, but according to critic Leonardi she lacks any female community and still sees life as revolving around a man. (At the same time Ellison's plays lack something because of the absence of a man in her life.)

The talk was entitled The Progress of Public Opinion on the Land Question, Election Ballot, and Manhood Suffrage; State-aid, Payment of Members, the Land League. Among the audience of three or four hundred were prominent politicians, including Premier Charles Cowper and Lands Minister Jack Robertson . CC began by noting that although certain people believed women ought not to have opinions on political matters, she herself had seen good cause to adopt certain well-defined political opinions and urged other women to do the same. The central topic she discussed, and endorsed, was the 1858 New South Wales Electoral Act which introduced Universal Manhood Suffrage to the colony.

After Women and Economics and its translations had made Charlotte Perkins famous in Europe, she was invited to speak in Berlin in 1904. She enjoyed her visit there, as well as time spent in Rome (where her daughter was living) and other places in Italy. In February 1905 she was off again, to London, Holland, Germany again, Austria, and Hungary. A final European trip in 1913 took her as a delegate to the Congress of the International Women's Suffrage Alliance in Budapest that June.

However evasive she may have been about her personal life, GH expressed strong views and was known to have warned: Don't you get thinking this is a fair world for women, because it isn't. Although a self-confessed bluestocking, she hated suffrage demonstrations and women with a magnified sense of their own importance (the kind of women she apparently associated with the suffrage struggle).

Critic John Sutherland says that in later life JOH was a member of the Anti-Suffrage League . While neither Margaret Maison nor Mildred Davis Harding confirm this, they both quote from a letter she wrote to William Francis Brown , apparently on 22 March 1906 (Harding dates it 2 March 1906), where she says: Women won't accept their absolute dependence on men. . . . That is why I am dead against Women's Colleges, Clubs, Suffrage and the like. They make each other wretched and they are, as influences on each other, utterly sterilizing and devitalizing.

MH 's devotion to women's causes lasted her life through. Around 29 January 1879 something moved her to declare her allegiance on a sheet of paper now in the National Library of Scotland : I entirely sympathise with the movement to obtain Female Suffrage.

Over the years she reported to the WIL on a wide variety of issues—League of Nations and International Labour Organization work, disarmament initiatives, the pay equity drive by women teachers in Britain, and suffrage campaigns around the world, to name but a few.

AJ was a convinced and effective supporter of most reformist causes of her day. During the 1770s she reprobated the design of coercing the American colonies,, and supported parliamentary reform, liberty for Ireland, toleration (and the vote) for Roman Catholics, and the abolition of slavery. As regards suffrage, she looked on parliamentary representation as the only effectual safeguard of [the people's] sacred rights. She was later a supporter of the French Revolution, and she came to believe in universal suffrage. (She may have meant by this universal male suffrage, as most of her contemporaries would have done, but in view of her husband's strong statement about gender equality in his Theological Propositions and Miscellaneous Observations, it is just possible that she was a suffragist in the feminist sense before her time.)

FK 's only documented political engagement occured in the summer of 1869, when both she and Charles Kingsley attended a Women's Suffrage meeting in London at the invitation of John Stuart Mill , whose book The Subjection of Women both Charles and Fanny admired. In a letter to Mill dated June 17, 1869, Charles Kingsley writes: Mrs. Kingsley begs me to add the expression of her respect for you. Her opinion has long been that this movement must be furthered rather by men than by the women themselves. He also credits her as a significant influence on his intellectual life and opinions about the roles of women, saying: That I should ever have found out what I seem to know without the guidance of a woman, and that woman my wife, I dare not assert. He declares himself open to any teaching which has for its purpose the doing woman justice in every respect. After the meeting, they were house guests of Mill. While Charles Kingsley was highly sympathetic to the suffrage movement, he was repelled by any militant tactics; Colloms attributes a similar attitude to FK .

American Rebecca Harding Davis published a novel with the same title five years later, which later again caused Kortright's anti-suffrage panmphlet Pro Aris et Focis to be, embarrassingly, ascribed to Davis.

ML , author of seven novels published between 1912 and 1929, used her fiction to discuss issues of marriage, women's suffrage, the difficulty of an older generation in adapting to modern life, and utopianism presented in the guise of fantasy. Her heroines tend to seek independence but choose to be protected; happy endings are often combined with deaths or changes of partner; the only consistent thread seems to be dissatisfaction with the status quo.

She writes as a moderate, promulgating the concept of separate spheres for the two sexes, but wishing that middle-class women might extend to boys the education they currently administered to girls: a training based on religion and morality rather than the amoral, intellect-based education currently available to boys. She expresses a belief in women's moral superiority to men, but does not support the cause of women's suffrage. She notes: we are . . . anxious . . . that women should be roused to a sense of their own importance; but we affirm, that it is not so much social institutions that are wanting to women, but women who are wanting to themselves. Her high value for the state of marriage leads her to advocate better employment opportunities for women, so that they should not be forced by need to marry for the wrong reasons.

CM had two circles of political friends: that of her brother John, which included members of the Society of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights , and that of the Real Whigs, who were mostly dissenters and some of them republicans.CM 's own republican views, and her reformist brand of patriotism, were formed during the years of Wilkes 's greatest political struggle, though she was again unusual in positioning herself between the Real Whigs and the Wilkites, who were in general a separate group. Like Thomas Hollis , she believed that the struggles of the English seventeenth century had been the forming-ground of republicanism as a serious alternative to monarchy. She favoured a more extended and equal power of election, but probably did not envisage universal suffrage, let alone women's suffrage.

HM 's controversial study of Society in America was published in three volumes; it contained an early argument for female suffrage.

She had also studied English and modern history during her degree. In her first year she discovered Jane Ellen Harrison 's Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion (1903). Harrison's work, which suggests that the ancient Greeks worshipped not only gods, but also conceptions of the human mind, introduced WM to notions of the unconscious. At St Andrews she also became active in the suffrage movement (helping to found there the Women Students Suffrage Society ) and participated in the Women's Debating Society and the Students' Representative Council . During her degree course she won the Berry Scholarship in Classics. Two of her teachers promised to coach her for the Ferguson, which would have funded classical study at the British School in Rome. She never received the latter scholarship because, she later said, in the ecstasy of first love, I could not be so widely separated from my sweetheart.

She was a Liberal (who canvassed for the Gladstone supporter George Granville Leveson-Gower when he stood—unsuccessfully—for East Marylebone in 1889), a supporter of Irish Home Rule, a member of the Somerville Club for women, and a suffragist who lent her public-speaking expertise to the cause. As William R. Hughes expressed it, [u]nder the auspices of the Women's Liberal Association , she lectured on suffrage in a matured and commanding strain of oratory.

BRP 's son, Joseph Hilaire Pierre René , generally known as Hilaire Belloc (but to his family as Hilary), was born on 27 July 1870, just before the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war. He too became a writer and an ardent Catholic, but in contrast to his mother he developed into an anti-feminist, strongly opposed to female suffrage and higher education for women.

HHR began subscribing to the periodical Votes for Women (the journal of the Women's Social and Political Union ) in 1909 (two years after it was launched), and to The Suffragette in 1912. Her interest was strongly engaged by the cause of women's suffrage—not surprisingly, since the Woman Question was invigoratingly canvassed by the European writers who had shaped her thinking. She marched in most of the major suffrage processions organised by the WSPU in London, while her husband joined sympathising male organisations. (She also took personal action against cruelty to horses working in the streets.) Through her, her sister became a more radical suffragette than herself. Lillian was imprisoned in Holloway for damage to a post office in 1912, and invited Sylvia Pankhurst to speak in her house in Germany in 1914, when Pankhurst was prohibited from addressing a German audience at public meetings.HHR was certain, she wrote, that every broken window & burnt house takes [women] a few steps further from the harem & the veil.

Her Women's Rights Versus Women's Wrongs was a response to Marion Bernstein 's call in the same paper for female suffrage, which in this poem JR did not support. It provoked in turn a response from Bernstein claiming that Woman Suffrage / Soon would find a cure for all. Persuaded, Russell published a Recantation in which she promised to join the fight for the vote.