OCLC WorldCat. 1992–1998, http://www.oclc.org/firstsearch/content/worldcat/. Accessed 1999.
16 results for politic
Christine de Pisan
In the context of confused political power struggles in France, where the king,
, suffered from intermittent episodes of insanity, CP wrote for the Dauphin,
(who never succeeded to the throne since he died before his father) two successive books on public life: moral and political advice on the qualities which become a ruler. The first of these, Le Livre du corps de policie, was written in 1406-07. An English translation was printed in 1994, edited as The Book of the Body Politic by
, and the French text was edited for publication in 1998 by
.
Michelene Wandor
The Body Politic, 1972, as well as volumes of women's plays. She has recently pursued interests in music, in the working out of Jewish identity, and in recasting work in different forms.
is a prolific twentieth-century and contemporary writer of stage plays, radio drama, short stories, poetry, reviews, theatre criticism, and a co-authored novel. A passionate feminist, she became an energetic force in alternative theatre in Britain in the 1970s, involving herself in radical theatre groups in various capacities, including that of playwright. Since then she has been a frequent radio writer, often adapting novels, especially by women, for radio. Apart from her high profile in radio drama and broadcasting, and the warm reception of her recent poetry publications, her editorial work has made a lasting contributio: the first anthology of the British women's liberation movement, Mary Barber
Since Barber had published already, she is presumably being politic when she remarks in her preface that a Woman steps out of her Province, whenever she presumes to write for the Press. The poems themselves deal in public as well as private and domestic topics.
writes with wit and affectionate humour about her growing children, and with what critic
calls a keen and often passionately expressed sense of the injustices of extant class, gender, and national relations. She criticises Barbary slavery (the enslavement of Europeans by Islamic powers), British rule in Ireland, and, more generally, the tyranny of custom.
Josephine Butler
Nevertheless Burton notes that the text in fact served to solidify the image of black Africans as slaves, albeit as members of the British body politic, passive objects of humanitarian identification and sympathy rather than active agents in the struggle.
Frances Power Cobbe
Once the campaign against vivisection became traditional English virtues and a feminist politic.The Modern Rack, 1889, collected some shorter writings.
's ruling passion, much of her writing energies were consumed by it. She herself characterized it as the end of her career as a journalist, owing in part to her refusal to write for periodicals that published material in favour of vivisection. Her prolific antivivisection writing—over a six-year period she calculated that she had written for the cause 173 books, pamphlets, and leaflets—took a range of forms. This diverse work and her antivivisectionist discourse in general, however, shares a strong sense of identification with the animal subjects of experimentation, a connection that flows, as
has observed, from hegemonic constructions of women as passive and emotional. As a critique of masculine materialism, science, and (implicitly) sexual predation, her campaign against experimenting on animals brought a number of
's previous preoccupations into play.
argues that this was also a project in nationalism that yoked Queen Elizabeth I
She said here that her one body naturally considered would now be supplemented by a body politic to govern: an early formulation of what has been called the doctrine of the king's two bodies.
Queen Victoria
Even more empowering was the way that Victorian suffragists deployed The Franchise for Women, these feminists pointed out that while the highest political prerogative and dignity in this land is held by a woman and no law can be enacted without her concurrence, no writ issued but in her name, the vast majority of women do not belong to the body politic, but remain a non-political element side by side with the male population. Ironically,
's active opposition to women's rights, and her declaration in 1870 that she was most anxious to enlist every one who can speak or write to join in checking this mad, wicked folly of 'Woman's Rights', with all its attendant horrors, on which her poor feeble sex is bent, became in itself one of a frequently-cited argument in favour of the female franchise.
's image. In their writings, for instance in a newspaper article entitled Anna Swanwick
The women's right to enter was put to a vote, and delegates voted them out. One speaker said that admitting them would be subversive of the principles and traditions of the country and contrary to the Word of God. This was a formative event for
. With a seed of discontent planted in her mind, she resolved to oppose this indignity and to help her sex to take their proper place in the body politic. In her time she gave support to the campaigns for suffrage, for a mother's claim to her own child, for married women's control of their own property, for higher education of women, and against the Contagious Diseases Acts.
Maud Sulter
political activist; she often produced visual and written works in linked pairs. In her poetry, her photographs, her artworks, and her essays, novel, and play, she continued to challenge imprisoning labels of colour and gender, to celebrate love and desire, and to expose oppressions which are perpetrated in private. As critic
comments, in Sulter's work the Body Personal is not a thing distinct from the Body Politic. Her poetry and prose appeared in many journals and anthologies, and she gave numerous readings and seminars internationally.
was a Black British poet, journalist, artist and Charlotte Perkins Gilman
Moving the Mountain relies heavily on the discourse of the eugenics movement as a means of establishing
's vision of a utopic America. In her 1940s America, immigration is tightly controlled, and the handicapped and criminal elements of society (bracketed together) are executed by the State as a means of ensuring the purity of the body politic.
Frances E. W. Harper
The opening of an 1891 address exemplifies I deem it a privilege to present the negro, not as a mere dependent asking for Northern sympathy or Southern compassion, but as a member of the body politic who has a claim upon the nation for justice, simple justice, which is the . . . rightful claim of every citizen.
's consistently simple yet effective rhetoric: Charlotte Eliza Humphry
In the preface, Manners for Women was met with such a kindly reception that I am encouraged to follow it up with the present little volume. She expands here on some issues related to manners and domestic management from Manners for Women, and presents some new topics for discussion. She writes on changing social dynamics, such as relations between mothers and daughters. If the mother, in these revolutionary times, has any chance of maintaining her own position as the elder and the wiser of the two, she must keep her eyes open to the successive grooves of change down which the world is spinning, she writes (in allusion to
's well-known image of the world spinning down the ringing grooves of change). Humphry argues that a good daughter will become in turn a good wife: Girls who have not been spoiled by over-indulgence, and who have been taught to take a sane, calm, rational view of all life's circumstances, are the best helpmeets that man can have. Another chapter, titled Ultra-Tidiness, pronounces: Tidiness is delightful, meritorious, indispensable, admirable, estimable, praiseworthy, politic, and most precious. Untidiness is execrable, reprehensible, unseemly, and quite detestable.
explains that her Anna Brownell Jameson
This second lecture takes as its epigraph the invocation in The Princess of men and women working side by side in council, hearth, and the tangled business of the world. It enlarges on many of the themes of the first essay in a more organised fashion.
focuses first on legislation, characterising the law on married women's property as a manifest injustice, pernicious because every injustice is a form of falsehood, every falsehood accepted and legalized, works in the social system like poison in the physical frame, and may taint the whole body politic through and through, ere we have learned in what quivering nerve or delicate tissue to trace and detect its fatal presence. She also cites with approval
's article on wife-abuse, Outrages on Women, condemning the sexual double standard and attributing the problem in large part to the differential laws, designating masculine and feminine rights, which have disturbed the divine equilibrium in the relation between the sexes.
's Author event in Michelene Wandor
The Body Politic
Wandor, Michelene. The Body Politic. Stage 1, 1972.
Getting to Know You: travel, gender, and the politic of representation in Anna and the King of Siam and The King and I
Kaplan, Caren. “Getting to Know You: travel, gender, and the politic of representation in Anna and the King of Siam and The King and I”. Late Imperial Culture, edited by Román De la Campa et al., Verso, 1995, pp. 33-52.